<![CDATA[United Network for Justice & Peace in Palestine & Israel - Blog]]>Tue, 20 Feb 2024 21:35:27 -0500Weebly<![CDATA[A Sermon by Rabbi Alissa Wise]]>Mon, 26 Sep 2022 01:32:56 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/a-sermon-by-rabbi-alissa-wise
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<![CDATA[UCC Letter to Canadian MPs re forced expulsions of Palestinian villagers from Masafer Yatta]]>Fri, 20 May 2022 20:20:07 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/ucc-letter-to-canadian-mps-re-forced-expulsions-of-palestinian-villagers-from-masafer-yattaThe recent Israeli Supreme Court decision upholding the forcible expulsion of Palestinian villagers from their homes and land in Masafer Yatta, The United Church of Canada has written a letter to the Honourable Melanie Joly, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Canada.  
The letter urges Canada to hold the government of Israel accountable for violations of international law and specifically to
  • denounce the government of Israel’s plan to forcibly expel the villagers of Masafer Yatta and press the government of Israel to rescind this decision.
Read the letter here.
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<![CDATA[UCCanada Letter to Minister Joly re Shireen Abu Akleh]]>Sat, 14 May 2022 23:39:23 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/uccanada-letter-to-minister-joly-re-shireen-abu-aklehRE: Canada must denounce and call for an independent investigation into the killing of Palestinian American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh

Dear Minister Joly:

It is with deepening sorrow that The United Church writes again within the same week urging you to take urgent and immediate action to protect Palestinian human rights. Today, thousands of Palestinians gathered in occupied East Jerusalem to pay their respects to murdered Palestinian-American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh as she was laid to rest. Eyewitnesses present on the ground have told The United Church that mourners were beaten by Israeli police as they carried Abu Akleh's coffin to Mount Zion Cemetery to be buried beside her parents. Canada must condemn the killing of Shireen Abu Akleh, and demand an independent investigation into her killing.

Reports on autopsy results carried out on the body of Shireen Abu Akleh say that she was killed by a bullet to the head which struck underneath the protective metal helmet she wore. She was also clearly identified as press and could not have been misidentified as an immediate threat. B'Tselem, a highly respected Israeli human rights organization and a United Church partner, has stated that its initial investigation proves that the Israeli army narrative about the shooting of Abu Akleh is untrue. A thorough and independent investigation is crucial.
Read the full letter
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<![CDATA[STATEMENT BY THE ORTHODOX PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM FOR EASTER 2022  – Jerusalem Patriarchate News Gate]]>Wed, 13 Apr 2022 19:19:53 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/statement-by-the-orthodox-patriarchate-of-jerusalem-for-easter-2022-jerusalem-patriarchate-news-gateClip source: STATEMENT BY THE ORTHODOX PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM FOR EASTER 2022  – Jerusalem Patriarchate News Gate
11/04/2022

Jerusalem 4.11.2022

The Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem congratulates its congregations and all the people of the Holy Land on both sides of the Jordan River for the occasion of Easter and Saturday of the Holy Light, and at the same time we affirm our strong and renewed commitment to our natural right to celebrate our holidays along with our communities, families and to participate together in prayers at our churches in the Old City of Jerusalem, including the basic right of all our communities to access the Church of Holy Sepulchre and its vicinity during Easter festivities including Holy Light Saturday. Our communities have been exercising this divine right freely throughout the ages and different rulers, regardless of the circumstances that the Holy City went through in history.

For many years, participating in prayers and even having access to churches in the Old City, especially during Easter holidays, has become very difficult for our congregations and our people in general, due to police unilaterally enforced restrictions and its violence against believers who insist on exercising their natural divine right to worship. Previously, we had cooperated with different Christian bodies and leaders to bring our case to the international, domestic and judicial levels, and we also coordinated with the police themselves, with the aim of preventing the police from continuing their unacceptable practices, but unfortunately the promises were great and what actually took place on the ground was not even remotely close to those promises.

Instead of reversing its habitual unacceptable practices on Easter and Holy Fire Saturday, the police have recently informed the Patriarchate of additional new unilateral measures that increase restrictions on Holy Fire Saturday, to the effect that the police will only allow one thousand people to enter the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on this great day, although it is customary to many thousands of worshippers to enter the church in celebration on that day. Furthermore, the police said that they will allow only five hundred people to enter the Old City and reach the Patriarchate yards and the overlooking roof of the Holy Sepulchre Church. The Patriarchate believes that there is no justification for these additional unjust restrictions, and affirms its explicit, clear and complete rejection of all restrictions. The Patriarchate is fed up with police restrictions on freedom to worship and with its unacceptable methods of dealing with the God given rights of Christians to practice rituals and have to access their holy sites in the Old City of Jerusalem.

Accordingly, the orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem has decided, by the power of the Lord, that it will not compromise its right to provide spiritual services in all churches and squares. It also announces that prayers will be held as usual by the Patriarchate and its priests, hoping that believers are able to participate. This position of the Patriarchate stems from the basis of divine right, heritage and history. The police must stop imposing restrictions and violence that, unfortunately, have become part of our sacred ceremonies. We also urge our congregations to uphold our historical heritage through participating in the rituals and celebrations of Easter and Holy Fire Saturday this year in the Church of Holy Sepulchre and its vicinity.
Sign the Sabeel Petitioin
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<![CDATA[An Open Letter to U.S. Christians from a Palestinian Pastor]]>Tue, 22 Mar 2022 17:24:54 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/an-open-letter-to-us-christians-froma-palestinian-pastorPicture









By Munther Isaac in Sojourners

“Pray for the peace of Jerusalem!”

Palestine and Israel are back in the news. So again, we Palestinians hear this common
refrain. But such calls for prayer are no longer enough. I say this as a Palestinian pastor
who believes in prayer, leads prayer services for peace, and genuinely values your good
intentions.

But good intentions are not enough.

In his Sermon on the Mount, Jesus didn’t say, “Blessed are the peace prayers.” He said,
“Blessed are the peacemakers.” (Matthew 5:9, emphasis added).

Peacemakers of every faith pray — and they discern what’s really happening, call things
by their names, then speak truth to power. Here’s how this works.

Call things by their namesPeacemaking begins by refusing to repeat the common descriptor of what is happening in Palestine and Israel: a conflict. Palestinians are not experiencing a conflict between two parties. We Palestinians are experiencing an occupation: one nation controlling another; the laws, policies, practices, and military of one state oppressing the people of another, controlling nearly every aspect of our lives. Palestinians in Jerusalem are not facing evictions from their homes. They are experiencing ethnic cleansing, which the U.N. has described as “a purposeful policy designed by one ethnic or religious group to remove by violent and terror-inspiring means the civilian population of another ethnic or religious group from certain geographic areas.”

Non-Jewish citizens of Israel are not just enduring discrimination. They are experiencing apartheid. Israel’s infamous 2018 nation-state law — which, among other things, stated that Israel’s right to “exercise national self-determination” is “unique to the Jewish people” — along with other policies and practices, has transformed de facto discrimination into racism de jure.

The more than 2 million people living in Gaza are not choosing to experience hardship, food deprivation, a lack of clean water, and consistent energy. They are confined to the world’s largest open-air prison where — unable to come and go, import and export, or even fish in the open waters off their shore without Israeli permission — Israeli snipers pick off their children and Israel’s air force bombs their city indiscriminately.

READ: U.S. Christians Can't Ignore Israel's Ongoing Occupation of Palestine

For over 70 years, Palestinians have not been arguing over who owns what land. No, we have experienced the terror and loss that comes from settler colonialism, the systematic removal and erasure of native inhabitants from their land, most recently in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem.

Calling things by their names is a necessary step toward resolving any conflict. Using the words racism and apartheid may cause pause — but these are the descriptors that define our daily lives.

Do not take our word alone for it.

Read the January report issued by the respected Israeli human rights organization B’tselem, “A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This is apartheid.” Read the April report from Human Rights Watch, “A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution.” Read Nathan Thrall’s analysis in the London Review of Books.

Until peacemakers use terms that accurately describe our realities, the opportunities for peace remain distant.

Don't misuse Christian-Jewish dialogue

For years, Christian-Jewish dialogue was misused as a tool to silence criticism of Israel. In the 1990s, Jewish theologian Marc H. Ellis wrote about a significant, unspoken “agreement” between Christians and Jews. He observed that the “ecumenical dialogue” between liberal Christians and Jews had turned into what he described as an “ecumenical deal”: repentance on the part of Christians for having aided in or having failed to speak out against the atrocities committed by Germany, and the prospect of an ongoing conversation devoid of any substantive criticism of Israel.

While the “deal” has broken down in many Christian denominations in the U.S. and in many quarters of the Jewish community, it is still used to silence Palestinian Christians, labeling us antisemitic when we criticize the state of Israel or speak out against the secular project of Zionism.

It is time Christians begin engaging new Jewish partners. Listen to groups like Jewish Voice for Peace, IfNotNow, B’tselem, Yesh Din, Rabbis for Human Rights, Breaking the Silence, and others who challenge the occupation. Listen to and dialogue with people like Marc H. Ellis, Mark Braverman, Rabbis Brant Rosen and Alissa Wise, and others who defend Palestinian rights out of their Jewish beliefs and convictions. Take the word of Bernie Sanders, who recently challenged the racist policies of the state of Israel.

Reexamine the church’s theology

For years, Western Christian theology has been part of the matrix that empowers the Israeli occupation. It’s a theology that describes God’s unique faithfulness to Israel, the fulfilment of prophecy, and the “return” of Jews to “their” land. Adherents embrace the myth that the land was devoid of people when the state of Israel was created, or worse, that it was occupied by the enemies of God.

It is time for Christians in some communions to confess and repent from their total disregard for the existence of Palestinians. It is time to change the theological narrative that renders the state of Israel invincible to errors and beyond any judgment.

Theology matters. And if any theology trumps the ethical-biblical teachings of Jesus on love, equality, and justice, then we must rethink that theology. If any theology produces apathy to injustice, it must be re-examined.

Don’t describe Palestinian Christians’ efforts at creative resistance as criminal: We believe the call for sanctions, economic measures, and our nonviolent demonstrations are justified resistance. To insist on our dignity and God-given rights in our own land is not antisemitic; even the recent Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism, a statment produced by more than 200 scholars of antisemitism and related fields, acknowledges this.

Some have accused Palestinian Christians of hating Jews and of rejecting the right to nationhood for Israel. Though they have gone unacknowledged or been rejected as disingenuous, our statements have clearly rejected antisemitism and racism of any form. Our hope, our desire, is to live side by side with our Jewish neighbors in a reality of a just peace.

My plea to fellow Christians

I call upon you to share — both in word and action — our vision of a reality in which we both end the occupation and live together in peace with our Israeli neighbors.

We do not hate Jews. We do not seek to destroy Israel. We want our freedom. We want to live in dignity in our homeland. We want to live in a reality where all the people of the land, Palestinians and Israelis, Jews, Muslims, and Christians, have the same rights and live under the same laws, regardless of their faith, nationality or ethnicity.

Many years from today, when our descendants look back on the long misery of the Palestinians, they will not judge kindly the willful neglect of the global church. We Palestinian Christians will not let you pretend that you did not know.

You will either take a stand to end the oppression of the Palestinian people or continue to be part of the matrix that allows it. The words of Elie Wiesel in his 1986 Nobel Prize acceptance speech cannot be more true today:

​We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. Sometimes we must interfere. When human lives are endangered, when human dignity is in jeopardy, national borders and sensitivities become irrelevant. Wherever men or women are persecuted because of their race, religion, or political views, that place must – at that moment – become the center of the universe.
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Munther Isaac
Rev. Dr. Munther Isaac is the pastor of the Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem, academic dean at Bethlehem Bible College, and the director of the Christ at the Checkpoint conferences. His latest book is The Other Side of the Wall: A Palestinian Christian Narrative of Lament and Hope.


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<![CDATA[APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA! APARTHEID ISRAEL!]]>Mon, 07 Mar 2022 21:44:37 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/apartheid-south-africa-apartheid-israelSource: MondoweissBY STEVE FRANCE  MARCH 1, 2022 PictureBRIAN J. BROWN
In a new book, “Apartheid South Africa! Apartheid Israel!” Brian J. Brown, a South African Methodist minister, calls on Christian churches, not just to recognize that Israel is an apartheid state, but to declare that total opposition to that apartheid is mandatory for any person or church that claims to follow the teachings of Jesus Christ. Brown’s lifelong war against apartheid has been driven by the conviction that it is utterly incompatible with any Christian theology faithful to the social teachings of Jesus Christ.

His position was true in South Africa and it’s true in Israel-Palestine today, he says, offering a detailed comparison of the two regimes; but in the case of South Africa the churches saw the light more easily and took a stern line more quickly. Faced now with the cresting consensus of the human rights community that Israel is an apartheid state, mainline churches in the U.S. and around the world are finally hearing Palestinian church leaders’ clarion calls to action, such as the 2020 “Cry for Hope” declaration from Jerusalem. Brown’s own passionate cry makes clear why Western liberal churches can no longer temporize on the question of apartheid or fail to understand its profound significance to them as followers of Christ’s teaching.

​Brown began fighting apartheid in the 1960s, helping to lead the radical, multiracial Christian Institute of South Africa. In his book he recalls that most members of the CI came to believe that “support for apartheid was not just evil but heretical.” Today, this is becoming the view of many church-based Palestinian solidarity activists. That means that as mainline denominations continue to move rapidly to condemn Israel as an apartheid state – a forced move really, given the irrefutable reports – they will find themselves not just lending support to the long-suffering Palestinians but in an existential struggle for “the very being of the Church, the integrity of the Christian faith, and the credibility of the Gospel,” to quote “Cry for Hope,” which Brown reprints in his book. 

Brown’s work in South Africa got him banned in 1977, along with a large number of leaders of the Black Consciousness movement, whose teachings he and the CI had embraced. He then emigrated to Britain, where he carried on the fight as the Africa Secretary for the British Council of Churches. He had already grasped the Palestinian parallel with his homeland in 1972, when he first visited Jerusalem on a “decidedly pro-Israel tour.” In the Old City, one evening with his wife, a man on a balcony picked out their South African accents and announced to them, “You are the ones who enslave and kill Black people in South Africa, the same way Israelis kill us Palestinians.”

​His comparison of the two apartheids draws deeply on his perspective as a church-based frontline fighter for liberation. Thus, he discusses how both racist systems reflect the religiously-inflected, tribal identities of the dominant group. Moreover, his critique of those identities, while fully compatible with the secular vision of equal human rights, dwells on the antithesis between such exclusivist religion and his own liberationist Christianity, as well as the prophetic ethics of Judaism. He doesn’t deny that God may choose a people for a special purpose, as Judaism and Christianity traditionally believe God chose the Hebrews. But he quotes Munther Isaac, a Palestinian Lutheran leader, who explains that “God brought Israel, God’s chosen people, to the land so that they would model a different and distinctive community, set apart from other nations.” The point is that a God of justice would never grant any people a privilege to oppress other people. The further point is that anyone who claims otherwise is essentially defaming God or, at best, totally misunderstanding God. The final point is that faithful Christians, when presented with proof of apartheid, are required to actively oppose it.

Brown marshals a vast host of comparisons between the two apartheids, at one point enumerating 37 specific forms of structural inequality imposed on Palestinians. His comparative approach gives his assessment of Israel a different entry point than that of the recent human rights reports. While Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, B’Tselem, and others applied the legal criteria defining the crime of apartheid to the situation in Israel-Palestine, Brown adds an experiential perspective to his study when he specifies similar apartheid structures that are harsher in Israel than they were in South Africa. So, for example, he writes that the Israeli “intensity of control” at borders and the like is “far in excess of that experienced in my apartheid homeland.” Moreover, “there was nothing approximating to Israel’s barrier/wall or the proliferating checkpoints.” Comparing forced removals in the two regimes, Brown says that those in South Africa were “infinitely less brutal in implementation than in Palestine.” Summing up how the two regimes compare, Brown told an interviewer that Israel, overall, is “apartheid plus,” that is, worse than South Africa.

Brown also focuses on the psychology of “denialism” found in both apartheid societies – and in the West, including the mainline churches. As has been seen in Zionists’ refusal to make any attempt to disprove the mountains of factual evidence of apartheid presented by the human rights community, denialism relies on deflection, exceptionalism, feigned ignorance, and ad hominem attacks on critics. Brown points out similarities between the underpinning of Israeli and Afrikaner exceptionalism. Like the Israelis, though in far less severity of suffering, Afrikaner apartheid apologists harped on historical persecutions their people had suffered, particularly, in the 19th century at the hands of British settler-colonials, who, among other atrocities, held tens of thousands of women and children in a “new invention called concentration camps.” The Afrikaners also developed a mythology of being God’s “Covenant people,” chosen to rule over all others in Southern Africa. Brown even walks readers through Afrikaner racist, religious doctrine “built on the flimsiest of Biblical foundations,” such as an interpretation of the unedifying story of the curse Noah put on his son Ham (whom apartheid theologians designated as the father of all Black people) because Ham had seen Noah drunk and naked and told his brothers.
Brown notes that Israel’s apartheid nature was easily recognized by the then-leaders of South Africa and also by leading Jewish opponents of the South African system. Thus, Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd, commonly known as the “architect of apartheid,” flatly stated in the 1960s that “Israel, like South Africa, is an apartheid state.” His only complaint was that Western nations never acknowledged the fact. Later, three important Jewish members of Mandela’s African National Congress – Joe Slovo, Denis Goldberg, and Ronnie Kasrils — agreed with Verwoerd. Slovo pointed out the irony that “the Jew haters in South Africa – those who worked and prayed for a Hitler victory – were [later] linked in a close embrace with the leaders of Israel in a new axis based on racism.” Kasrils has said recently that Israel’s apartheid is “a hundred times worse” than South Africa’s.

Jews “became a disproportionately large White presence in the ANC leadership,” Brown notes. Nonetheless, he records that “the overwhelming majority of Jews” in South Africa went the other way, “settling for White privilege” under apartheid. He cites Helen Suzman, “the most powerful parliamentary opponent of apartheid over 36 years, and a secular Jew,” who said, “By and large, Jews were part of the privileged white community and that led many Jews to say, ‘We will not rock the boat.’” Finally, he recounts the warm toast that then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin gave to visiting South African Prime Minister B.J. Vorster in 1976, invoking the “ideals shared by Israel and South Africa” in the face of “foreign-inspired recklessness and instability.”

It is intriguing to learn that, in the very same year, 1976, Rabin warned that continued settlement expansion in the West Bank was like a “cancer in the tissue of Israel’s democracy” that, if not stopped, would doom Israel to become an apartheid state. Other former prime ministers voiced similar warnings: David Ben-Gurion in 1967, Ehud Olmert in 2007, and Ehud Barak in 2010. Together they offer a glimpse into the Orwellian doublethink of Zionists who – then and now – express disapproval of the apartheid realities in Israel but somehow still deny to themselves that Israel has always practiced apartheid. (At the time of this writing, the editors of The New York Times seem to be prey to a similar condition, which would explain the newspaper’s inability to publish the news of Amnesty International’s condemnation of Israel as an apartheid state.)

Distinguishing between what he calls “Petty Apartheid” and “Grand Apartheid,” Brown points out that South Africa “viciously implemented” segregation rules relating to access to restaurants, toilets and other social amenities, areas that Israel leaves alone, even though life in Israel is “highly segregated for Jewish and Palestinian citizens.” He emphasizes, however, that both Israel and South Africa engage in “Grand Apartheid,” which he defines as “an ideology that intentionally pursues the total dispossession and domination of one ethnic group of people by another, implemented by means of violence and structures of institutional racism.”

These detailed comparisons of the two versions of apartheid work to demystify Israel, as readers liken its brutalities and evasions to those of White South Africans, who eventually gave up their system. Moreover, South Africans lack the pathos and prestige that Jews possess in the U.S. and most Western countries. So, Israel is seen as simply another racist bully acting the way bullies act.
The great contribution Brown’s book makes to the struggle against apartheid comes, however, when he shares his own religious convictions, which were formed in the crucible of the struggle against apartheid in his homeland. His hard-won grasp of the profound significance to humanity of the struggle will resonate with Christians of conscience — and many others. 
 
He worked closely with his fellow churchman Desmond Tutu, of course. One of his favorite stories happened in 1984, at a time when the archbishop was leading the in-country, civil resistance to South African apartheid, while Mandela still languished in prison. The two clerics were on a train journey in the U.K. when Tutu, in his usual, affectionately teasing way, asked, “Brian, why must I run around like a scalded cat trying to get your fellow-whites to love me, while my time and energy should be given to the hurting and oppressed!” The answer goes to the heart of Tutu’s message and to Brown’s mission to liberate White people or their colonialist equivalent in Israel from the spiritual trap of Supremacist identity.

It is the oppressed who need liberation from apartheid, of course, as the African Black Consciousness Movement taught. Thus, Steve Biko, the South African, anti-apartheid martyr, declared, “It is a sin to accept being oppressed” by which he presumably meant a sin against our nature as made in the image of God. But apartheid oppressors also commit a sin against themselves when they cower behind walls of hatred and fear.

Brown says his own liberation from the poisonous privilege imposed on White South Africans was part of a “crisis of Gospel integrity” that shook the White churches and revealed that true faith was a path to “expanded identity.” That means that the “neighbor” a person is supposed to love, as Jewish and Christian Scripture command, is not limited by racial or ethnic identity. This expanded identity does not mean no longer having various identities but to take on a new identity with God and fellow humans. The painful irony was and is that religion has excelled in justifying apartheid in South Africa and Israel.

It is stirring to read of the liberation of Whites in South Africa that Tutu and Brown preached. Whites, as well as Blacks, were punished for refusing to conform to apartheid rules. But holding on to their “pursuit of ethnic equality and inclusivity,” Brown and his Christian Institute colleagues made “constant discoveries” within its “Black-White mix of activists” that were “crucial in understanding the nature of apartheid.” The movement transformed into a “prophetic community intent on sharing in the suffering of the dispossessed,” and thus “restoring the humanity of Whites.”

Brown’s purpose in writing the book, he says, was to “remind us that the fires of the South African apartheid struggle burn as fiercely in today’s Palestine.” Most disturbing to him is the contrast he sees between “the vigorous solidarity” then expressed by churches around the world about Black dispossession (with the notable exception of the the White Dutch Reformed Church, and some others) and the “reluctance” of many churches today to protest Palestinian dispossession.

In his view, the chasm is so deep between apartheid and what he calls “the Way” taught by Christ that a Christian’s refusal to recognize and condemn today’s apartheid in Israel-Palestine is tantamount to a flat rejection of Christ. In that sense, the crisis of Israel-Palestine presents a crisis of faith for Christians, a fact he suggests needs to be clearly proclaimed.

The Western Churches’ willingness to ignore the apartheid in Israel-Palestine is a general indictment of “the way Christians teach and live out the Gospel,” Brown says. The support given by the U.S. and its allies to Israel should be viewed as a dramatic challenge to Christians to repent at a fundamental level and renew their faith. The alternative is to reduce Christian faith to a mere security blanket for believers.

Brown explains that the most forceful way that faithful Christians can challenge the fundamental faithlessness of their churches is to declare the existence of what is known as a status confessionis, something pursued by the anti-Nazi pastor and theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer, whom the Nazis imprisoned and executed. Brown notes that the Palestinians’ “Cry for Hope” highlights how Bonhoeffer’s “confessing church” broke from the main Deustche Christen, which supported the Nazi state. To be true to the faith, the German Church had to plainly denounce Hitler’s policies, Bonhoeffer’s group stated. Invocation of status confessionis also occurred in South Africa as Whites and Blacks realized that apartheid stood starkly against everything Christ came to teach humankind.

In fact, several global institutions, including the World Council of Churches, the Lutheran World Federation and the World Alliance of Reformed Churches declared a status confessionis and either suspended White South African sister churches for practicing apartheid or saw them resign in anticipation of being suspended.

U.S. churches are still far from taking such a stand, but some leaders in the Christian solidarity movement are now discussing the need to put their churches on the spot. Indeed, Brown told Mondoweiss that in March he will attend a residential conference in Britain that will be all about whether and how to call a status confessionis.

One day soon, perhaps parts of U.S. Reform Judaism will move down a similar path as its members realize that the time for temporizing is growing short.

Note: The book was first published in paperback in the U.K. in late 2021 under the title “Apartheid South Africa! Apartheid Israel?” It has just come out in an Amazon paperback and a Kindle edition titled “Apartheid South Africa! Apartheid Israel!”
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<![CDATA[​ACTION TODAY: 3 QUICK ACTIONS YOU CAN TAKE NOW TO SUPPORT PALESTINIAN HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS]]>Thu, 28 Oct 2021 17:46:10 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/action-today-3-quick-actions-you-can-take-now-to-support-palestinian-human-rights-defendersThe following appeal was sent to Human Rights for Palestine Israel (HRIP) Champions.

2021-10-28

Dear Friends, 

Your urgent help is needed. We’re asking you to spare 2 minutes out of your day in support of Mission & Service partner Defense for Children International-Palestine and five other Palestinian human rights defenders who are under serious, immediate threat from the Israeli government.
 
Six leading, respected Palestinian civil society and human rights organizations have been extraordinarily and suddenly designated as “terrorist organizations” by the Israeli government. Defense for Children International-Palestine (DCIP is a Mission & Service partner) is one of the six organizations. This means all their activities are now banned, and it authorizes the Israeli government to close their offices, seize their assets, and arrest and jail their staff members. It also prohibits funding or even publicly expressing support for their activities.
 
Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem (also a Mission & Service partner) has called it an “act characteristic of totalitarian regimes”.  

These groups provide vital services for Palestinians living under military occupation. They support some of the most vulnerable communities including women and girls, children, political prisoners, child detainees, and civil society activists. The six groups are: These human rights defenders need your solidarity urgently.  
 
Here's how you can take action today: 
 
1. Join in today’s international day of action to #StandWithThe6 
The six are organizing an international day of action on Thursday, 28 October. They are asking us to get involved in the following ways: 
  • Show your support on social media: explain why you #StandWithThe6 organizations - tweet or make a video! 
  • Retweet/share posts from the 6 organizations 
  • Organize / join local rallies, events, panels, conversations!
  • Social Media storm is organized for 10 AM Pacific, 1 PM Eastern, and 8 PM Jerusalem time. Lots of images and resources here
    Toolkit:  bit.ly/standwiththe6  #uccan  #standwiththe6


2. Ask Foreign Affairs Minister The Hon. Mélanie Joly and your MP to speak out now!
Send an email to Minister Joly asking her to condemn the designation and to express public support for these organizations. The UCC letter to Minister Joly is attached. Write a similar letter to your MP condemning the designation and asking them to use their platform to express their public support for these organizations. Doing so will help increase the pressure on the Israeli government to reverse its decision, and provide much-needed public protection for these threatened human rights defenders.
 
Here are some of the statements you can send. You can pick out some key quotes from them to add into your email: 
  
  3. Speak out to support these organizations
Share the statements above with your own networks and on social media using the hashtag #StandWithThe6
 
And importantly, learn about and amplify the important work that these six organizations do. Explore their websites (linked in the list above), follow them on social media, and share their voices with those around you and online. Their work is vital and must be allowed to continue. 
 
Thank you, as ever, for your support.  
 
Wendy, Beth and Lori
 

Beth Baskin (she/her)
 
Network Coordinator, Identity and Mission
The United Church of Canada / L’Église Unie du Canada​
3250 Bloor Street West, Suite 200 Toronto, ON M8X 2Y4

Attachement: Letter to Minister Joly
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<![CDATA[Hope, disappointment, self-censorship: What it's like to be a Palestinian Canadian | CBC News]]>Fri, 25 Jun 2021 22:55:11 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/hope-disappointment-self-censorship-what-its-like-to-be-a-palestinian-canadian-cbc-newsClip source: Hope, disappointment, self-censorship: What it&apos
I cannot speak frankly and honestly through my pain and the pain of those I love,' says Idris Elbakri
Idris Elbakri · for CBC First Person · Posted: Jun 22, 2021 11:00 AM CT | Last Updated: June 22

This First Person article is the experience of Idris Elbakri, a Canadian Palestinian living in Winnipeg. For more information about CBC's First Person stories, please see the FAQ.

​I am a proud Canadian Palestinian. Palestine is my homeland and Canada is my adopted country. I love both.

Interestingly, Canada equipped me with tools and concepts to help me process my Palestinian experience and understand it more deeply. Canada's welcome of refugees showed me that there is no shame in being the grandson of Palestinian refugees.

Welcoming and assisting refugees gave me firsthand appreciation to what Jiddo and Tata (Grandpa and Grandma) might have gone through when they fled the onslaught of the Jewish militias on their neighbourhood in Haifa in 1948.  

When I hear of the hopes (unrealistic as they may be) of some new Canadians to return to their countries of origin for even just a visit, I understand why my jiddo refused to buy a house in the diaspora. He always wanted to go home. 

My grandparents did not willingly choose to leave Palestine, they were forced to, and they never got over it.

I also acquired vocabulary. Thanks to the amazing resilience and powerful sharing of Indigenous Canadians, I became more able to explain my own experience and that of my family.
After a ceasefire following 11 days of violence last month, a family stands in front of what was left of the building that housed the offices of The Associated Press and Al Jazeera in Gaza. 'Original experiences of being turned into refugees overnight … losing loved ones to war, feeling threatened in your very existence, all percolate through the decades,' says Elbakri. (Stephanie Jenzer/CBC)
I learned about intergenerational trauma, which aptly explains some of the experiences of our family, from grandparents who witnessed the Nakba (or "catastrophe" — the term Palestinians use for the uprooting that occurred after they fled or were driven out in the 1948 war) onto great-grandchildren growing up dispersed in the diaspora. 

Original experiences of being turned into refugees overnight, raising families in poverty, yearning to return to the homeland, losing loved ones to war, feeling threatened in your very existence, all percolate through the decades and manifest themselves through successive generations of Palestinian families who grow up loving Palestine and living with the burdens of that love.

Another term is colonial settler violence, which truly centres the Palestinian experience in the context of Western colonialism, which created and still enables the state of Israel. 

This also makes me realistically pessimistic about change coming on the heels of successive Israeli elections. A settler-colonial system will perpetuate itself and change will not come because there is a change in who the Israeli prime minister is. A settler-colonial system will only yield ground when it is resisted.


'I have learned to self-censor'

Not everything Canada taught me was positive. I have learned to self-censor and muzzle. I cannot speak frankly and honestly through my pain and the pain of those I love. 

Oppressed and dispossessed people cannot be raw and unfiltered. Our audience holds us to a higher standard than others. Our raw and real experiences can get too uncomfortable for our audiences, and the accusatory label of antisemitism is just a press release or social media post away. 

We are expected to affirm all our oppressor's rights while never getting the recognition of our pain and suffering, let alone our rights.

Victims across the world get names and personalities, but not us.… We 'are shot,' 'injured' or just 'die.' Too often, no one will tell you who shot us, injured us, or made us die. ​​​​​​- Idris Elbakri

Western politicians, for example, will not typically speak about the right of the Palestinians to exist or to defend themselves, as they usually unequivocally affirm for Israel, let alone recognize the 1948 onset of our Nakba, the ongoing catastrophe of ethnic cleansing and dispossession.

Israeli historian Ilan Pappé documented the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in the 1948 war, as part of what was called Plan D, and ever since there have been systematic and consistent policies, such as confiscation of land to establish settlements and gradually emptying Jerusalem of its Palestinian residents. 


Imperfect, but 'Canada also gives me hope'

In Canada I also learned to be faceless and nameless. When the government expresses "concern" when our suffering gets uncomfortable for people, one cannot tell who it is concerned about.

It is all left very ambiguous. Typically in Western media, we are not identified when we are victims. Even CBC will use polite terms like "police tactics" to refer to militarized police storming a house of worship or "eviction" for forcible expulsion of families from their homes.

Victims across the world get names and personalities, but not us. We are commonly referred to in the passive voice. We "are shot," "injured" or just "die." Too often, no one will tell you who shot us, injured us, or made us die. To my knowledge, not a single Canadian newspaper published the pictures of the 67 children who were killed by the recent Israeli bombing of Gaza. An Israeli newspaper had to do it.

But Canada also gives me hope, imperfect as it is. I speak to my Palestinian friends of the Canadian model, a confederacy inclusive of several nations that celebrates its multiculturism and is grappling with its wrongs of the past. I am inspired by Indigenous Canadians who repeatedly put a mirror in our face and confront us to correct the wrongs of the past.

Maybe at some point in the not-too-distant future, a Jewish child will get up in her school built over the ruins of a Palestinian village destroyed by her predecessor generations and state her own land acknowledgement: 

"We acknowledge that our school stands on the homeland of the Palestinian people. We acknowledge the Palestinian Nakba and the harms of Zionism and commit to nurturing reconciliation with Palestinians based on the principles of justice and truth." 
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<![CDATA[UNJPPI Expresses Support for #BlockTheBoat Action in Prince Rupert, B.C.]]>Sun, 20 Jun 2021 22:49:58 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/united-network-for-justice-and-peace-in-palestine-and-israel-unjppi-expresses-support-for-the-boycott-action-in-prince-rupert-bcPress Release: 

An Israeli container ship was prevented from docking Monday at Prince Rupert, B.C

2021-06-15 Today at the meeting of the Coordinating Team, UNJPPI commended the action of the protesters who prevented an Israeli container ship from docking Monday at the Prince Rupert, B.C., port. Their aim was to block Israel from shipping goods to North America.

As reported by CBC News, “The container ship, the Volans — owned by Israeli shipping company ZIM — was anchored in Prince Rupert's harbour for most of the day Sunday. 

“The protesters said they were acting in solidarity with a movement called Block the Boat, which aims to block Israel from shipping goods to this continent as a reaction to the recent conflict between Israel and Palestinian militants.”

The #BlockTheBoat campaign is an action by the Palestinian BDS. “In response to Israel’s ongoing atrocities, the Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions (PGFTU) and a large coalition of all major Palestinian workers unions and professional associations have called on their fellow trade unions and workers worldwide to boycott Israel and businesses that are complicit with its apartheid regime.”
 
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For more information, contact info@unjppi.org
https://bdsmovement.net/news/block-boat-longest-blockade-israeli-zim-ship-history
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<![CDATA[AN OPEN LETTER TO U.S. CHRISTIANS FROM A PALESTINIAN PASTOR]]>Wed, 26 May 2021 02:07:33 GMThttps://unjppi.org/blog/an-open-letter-to-us-christians-from-a-palestinian-pastorPicture
BY MUNTHER ISAAC
MAY 19, 2021

“Pray for the peace of Jerusalem!”

Palestine and Israel are back in the news. So again, we Palestinians hear this common refrain. But such calls for prayer are no longer enough. I say this as a Palestinian pastor who believes in prayer, leads prayer services for peace, and genuinely values your good intentions.

But good intentions are not enough.

In his Sermon on the Mount, Jesus didn’t say, “Blessed are the peace prayers.” He said, “Blessed are the peacemakers.” (Matthew 5:9, emphasis added).

Peacemakers of every faith pray — and they discern what’s really happening, call things by their names, then speak truth to power. Here’s how this works.

Call things by their names
Peacemaking begins by refusing to repeat the common descriptor of what is happening in Palestine and Israel: a conflict. Palestinians are not experiencing a conflict between two parties. We Palestinians are experiencing an occupation: one nation controlling another; the laws, policies, practices, and military of one state oppressing the people of another, controlling nearly every aspect of our lives. Palestinians in Jerusalem are not facing evictions from their homes. They are experiencing ethnic cleansing, which the U.N. has described as “a purposeful policy designed by one ethnic or religious group to remove by violent and terror-inspiring means the civilian population of another ethnic or religious group from certain geographic areas.”

Non-Jewish citizens of Israel are not just enduring discrimination. They are experiencing apartheid. Israel’s infamous 2018 nation-state law — which, among other things, stated that Israel’s right to “exercise national self-determination” is “unique to the Jewish people” — along with other policies and practices, has transformed de facto discrimination into racism de jure.

The more than 2 million people living in Gaza are not choosing to experience hardship, food deprivation, a lack of clean water, and consistent energy. They are confined to the world’s largest open-air prison where — unable to come and go, import and export, or even fish in the open waters off their shore without Israeli permission — Israeli snipers pick off their children and Israel’s air force bombs their city indiscriminately.

READ: U.S. Christians Can't Ignore Israel's Ongoing Occupation of Palestine

For over 70 years, Palestinians have not been arguing over who owns what land. No, we have experienced the terror and loss that comes from settler colonialism, the systematic removal and erasure of native inhabitants from their land, most recently in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem.

Calling things by their names is a necessary step toward resolving any conflict. Using the words racism and apartheid may cause pause — but these are the descriptors that define our daily lives.

Do not take our word alone for it.

Read the January report issued by the respected Israeli human rights organization B’tselem, “A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This is apartheid.” Read the April report from Human Rights Watch, “A Threshold Crossed: Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution.” Read Nathan Thrall’s analysis in the London Review of Books.

Until peacemakers use terms that accurately describe our realities, the opportunities for peace remain distant.

Don't misuse Christian-Jewish dialogue
For years, Christian-Jewish dialogue was misused as a tool to silence criticism of Israel. In the 1990s, Jewish theologian Marc H. Ellis wrote about a significant, unspoken “agreement” between Christians and Jews. He observed that the “ecumenical dialogue” between liberal Christians and Jews had turned into what he described as an “ecumenical deal”: repentance on the part of Christians for having aided in or having failed to speak out against the atrocities committed by Germany, and the prospect of an ongoing conversation devoid of any substantive criticism of Israel.

While the “deal” has broken down in many Christian denominations in the U.S. and in many quarters of the Jewish community, it is still used to silence Palestinian Christians, labeling us antisemitic when we criticize the state of Israel or speak out against the secular project of Zionism.

It is time Christians begin engaging new Jewish partners. Listen to groups like Jewish Voice for Peace, IfNotNow, B’tselem, Yesh Din, Rabbis for Human Rights, Breaking the Silence, and others who challenge the occupation. Listen to and dialogue with people like Marc H. Ellis, Mark Braverman, Rabbis Brant Rosen and Alissa Wise, and others who defend Palestinian rights out of their Jewish beliefs and convictions. Take the word of Bernie Sanders, who recently challenged the racist policies of the state of Israel.

Reexamine the church’s theology
For years, Western Christian theology has been part of the matrix that empowers the Israeli occupation. It’s a theology that describes God’s unique faithfulness to Israel, the fulfilment of prophecy, and the “return” of Jews to “their” land. Adherents embrace the myth that the land was devoid of people when the state of Israel was created, or worse, that it was occupied by the enemies of God.

It is time for Christians in some communions to confess and repent from their total disregard for the existence of Palestinians. It is time to change the theological narrative that renders the state of Israel invincible to errors and beyond any judgment.

Theology matters. And if any theology trumps the ethical-biblical teachings of Jesus on love, equality, and justice, then we must rethink that theology. If any theology produces apathy to injustice, it must be re-examined.

Don’t describe Palestinian Christians’ efforts at creative resistance as criminal: We believe the call for sanctions, economic measures, and our nonviolent demonstrations are justified resistance. To insist on our dignity and God-given rights in our own land is not antisemitic; even the recent Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism, a statement produced by more than 200 scholars of antisemitism and related fields, acknowledges this.

Some have accused Palestinian Christians of hating Jews and of rejecting the right to nationhood for Israel. Though they have gone unacknowledged or been rejected as disingenuous, our statements have clearly rejected antisemitism and racism of any form. Our hope, our desire, is to live side by side with our Jewish neighbors in a reality of a just peace.

My plea to fellow Christians
I call upon you to share — both in word and action — our vision of a reality in which we both end the occupation and live together in peace with our Israeli neighbors.

We do not hate Jews. We do not seek to destroy Israel. We want our freedom. We want to live in dignity in our homeland. We want to live in a reality where all the people of the land, Palestinians and Israelis, Jews, Muslims, and Christians, have the same rights and live under the same laws, regardless of their faith, nationality or ethnicity.

Many years from today, when our descendants look back on the long misery of the Palestinians, they will not judge kindly the willful neglect of the global church. We Palestinian Christians will not let you pretend that you did not know.

You will either take a stand to end the oppression of the Palestinian people or continue to be part of the matrix that allows it. The words of Elie Wiesel in his 1986 Nobel Prize acceptance speech cannot be more true today:
We must always take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented. Sometimes we must interfere. When human lives are endangered, when human dignity is in jeopardy, national borders and sensitivities become irrelevant. Wherever men or women are persecuted because of their race, religion, or political views, that place must – at that moment – become the center of the universe.
Munther Isaac

Rev. Dr. Munther Isaac is the pastor of the Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem, academic dean at Bethlehem Bible College, and the director of the Christ at the Checkpoint conferences. His latest book is The Other Side of the Wall: A Palestinian Christian Narrative of Lament and Hope.
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Source: Sojourners
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